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Date: April 29, 2024 Mon
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Results for drug control policies
8 results foundAuthor: United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, Global SMART Programme Title: Patterns and Trends of Amphetamine-Type Stimulants and Other Drugs: Asia and the Pacific Summary: UNODC launched the Global Synthetics Monitoring: Analyses, Reporting and Trends (SMART)Programme in September 2008. The Programme seeks to enhance the capacity of Member States and authorities in priority regions, to generate, manage, analyse and report synthetic drug information, and to apply this scientic evidence-based knowledge to the design of policies and programmes. The Global SMART Programme is being implemented in a gradual phased manner, with East and Southeast Asia being the first focus region. This annual report is the second regional situation assessment for East and Southeast Asia put forward under the Global SMART Programme. It forms one of the essential key steps, in providing consolidated up-to-date analysis, based on the information shared by the member countries. It is hoped that the information on drug trends presented in this report will make a practical contribution to addressing the significant threat posed by illicit ATS manufacture, trafficking and use in the East and Southeast Asia region, and place policy-makers in a better position to evaluate the drug situation and to make informed decisions on intervention and prevention strategies. This report provides an overview of the ATS situation in the region. It outlines several key issues and emerging threats throughout the region and their implications for neighbouring regions. While the data presented points towards the increased efforts by the countries in the region to tackle the ATS problem, it also highlights the need for continued and joint efforts, both at the national as well as regional levels. It is hoped that this report and the forthcoming national and regional updates, will promote better understanding of the ATS problem and help in designing effective strategies to combat it. Details: Vienna: UNODC, 2010. 158p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 3, 2011 at: http://www.unodc.org/documents/scientific/ATS_Report_2010_web.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Asia URL: http://www.unodc.org/documents/scientific/ATS_Report_2010_web.pdf Shelf Number: 120687 Keywords: Drug Abuse and AddictionDrug Control PoliciesDrug TraffickingSubstance Abuse (Asia and the Pacific) |
Author: Dufour, Charlotte Title: Strategies to Counter Opiate Production in Afghanistan: Are We On the Right Track? Summary: Almost ten years after the international community’s military intervention and the fall of the Taliban regime, the question of the production of opium in Afghanistan is, more than ever, of central concern to actors and the international community in particular. During the past decade, there has been a succession of policies and programmes aiming to reduce drug production either through eradication, repression or via the implementation of alternative agricultural or rural development activities. What results have these produced? What lessons can be drawn from them? In order to answer these questions, this study analyses the different activities which have been implemented in the last decade as part of the National Drug Control Strategy (NDCS) – by highlighting their strengths and weaknesses and the constraints involved in implementing them – and makes some strategic and operational recommendations to contribute to the debate about policies and programmes. Due to the scale of the subject (the wide variety of activities and large number of actors with very different approaches), the decision was made to analyse in detail a selection of development programmes directly or indirectly related to the fight against opiates, and to give only a general overview of the achievements and key issues of the other pillars of the NDCS. The study is based on detailed analysis of existing literature and on interviews with representatives of Afghan ministries, international governments, United Nations agencies and researchers who work on counter-narcotics activities. Details: Plaisians, France: Groupe URD, 2010. 93p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 3, 2011 at: http://www.urd.org/IMG/pdf/Strategies_to_counter_opiate_in_Afghanistan.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Afghanistan URL: http://www.urd.org/IMG/pdf/Strategies_to_counter_opiate_in_Afghanistan.pdf Shelf Number: 120688 Keywords: Counter-Narcotics ProgamsDrug Control PoliciesDrug Policy (Afghanistan)Opium Abuse |
Author: Mejia, Daniel Title: Cocaine Production and trafficking: What Do We Know? Summary: The main purpose of this paper is to summarize the information currently available on cocaine production and trafficking. The paper starts by describing the available data on cocaine production and trade, the collection methodologies (if available) used by different sources, the main biases in the data, and the accuracy of different data sources. Next, it states some of the key empirical questions and hypotheses regarding cocaine production and trade and takes a first look at how well the data match these hypotheses. The paper states some of the main puzzles in the cocaine market and studies some of the possible explanations. These puzzles and empirical questions should guide future research on the key determinants of illicit drug production and trafficking. Finally, the paper studies the different policies that producer countries have adopted to fight against cocaine production and the role consumer countries play in the implementation of anti-drug policies. Details: Washington, DC: The World Bank, Development Research Group, Macroeconomics and Growth Team, 2008. 62p. Source: Internet Resource: Policy Research Working Paper 4618: Accessed February 9, 2011 at: http://www-wds.worldbank.org/servlet/WDSContentServer/WDSP/IB/2008/05/13/000158349_20080513084308/Rendered/PDF/wps4618.pdf Year: 2008 Country: International URL: http://www-wds.worldbank.org/servlet/WDSContentServer/WDSP/IB/2008/05/13/000158349_20080513084308/Rendered/PDF/wps4618.pdf Shelf Number: 120727 Keywords: CocaineDrug Control PoliciesDrug MarketsDrug Trafficking |
Author: Mannava, Priya Title: Dependent on Development: The Interrelationships Between Illicit Drugs and Socioeconomic Development Summary: In spite of the complex interrelationships between illicit drug production, trade and use and socioeconomic development (SED), drug control and development policies tend to occur in isolation of each other, as exemplified by the lack of inclusion of illicit drugs in the Millennium Development Goals. A failure to acknowledge the interconnections between these two areas hinders the effectiveness of both drug and development policies and also undermines a human rights based approach to both illicit drug policy and development policies and programs. 1.1 Aims of the report This report highlights the multifaceted relationships between illicit drug production, trade and use, and SED, and then demonstrates the ways in which the implementation of illicit drug control policies often hinders development sector gains; and furthermore, the ways in which many development sector policies actually increase vulnerability to illicit drug production, trade and use. By raising awareness on the links between drugs, drug policy, and SED, this paper aims to facilitate future research as well as initiate dialogue and collaboration between development and drug control agencies. 1.2 Approach & Terminology The report is based on the hypothesis that ‘Equitable SED is necessary for successful control of illicit drugs, while effective and human rights based illicit drug control is required to foster sustainable SED’. To test this hypothesis, we begin by examining the impact of SED on illicit drug production, trade, and consumption, and then conversely the affect of the three processes on SED. In so doing, we consider ‘illicit drug production/trade/consumption’ and ‘SED’ as independent variables, and expect that outcomes will hold true for diverse settings at various times and for different drugs. We also note that we are exploring associations rather than causality, expecting that there will be limited, and largely anecdotal, evidence available – at least these early formative research stages. Here, we define ‘socioeconomic development’ as the processes of social and economic development in a society, whereby the ‘socio-’ in socioeconomic development consists of “social change designed to promote the well-being of a population as a whole” (Midgley 2005) while the ‘economic’ refers to “qualitative change and restructuring in a country’s economy in connection with technological and social progress” (World Bank definition). ‘Control’ is referred to here as the processes undertaken in order to minimize the harms associated with the availability and use of drugs in a community at a given point of time. In line with the United Nations Office for Drugs and Crime, ‘illicit drugs’ are defined as drugs produced, traded, and consumed for purposes prohibited by law, as outlined by the international drug control conventions. 1.3 Methods We conducted a review of formal and non-formal English language literature published between 1990 and 2010 on the relationships between illicit drug production, trade, and consumption, illicit drug policies, SED, and human rights. 2. Sizing the problem: illicit drugs – an overview 2.1 The need to control Policies and programs that aim to control or eradicate illicit drugs have been justified by the real and potential harms associated with illicit drugs: health problems, crime, decreased productivity, unemployment, and poverty. An international drug control system, based on three international conventions, specifies the types of illicit drugs and how these should be regulated. Despite control efforts, supply and demand of illicit drugs continue to be widespread. 2.2 The extent of illicit drug use, production, and trading. Noting the difficulties in measuring indicators related to illicit drugs, it is estimated that around 3.5% to 5.7% of the world’s populations aged between 15 to 64 years (155 to 250 million) consumes illicit drugs. Consumption continues to be higher in the wealthier regions of North America, Western Europe, and Oceania, though sharp rises in use are being witnessed in East and West Africa, the Middle East, and South America. Production of opium, which increased by 80% between 1998 and 2009, is highest in Afghanistan, which accounted for 60% of the world’s supply during the same period. Supply of cocaine, largely produced in Bolivia, Colombia, and Peru, was reported to have increased during the period of 2004 to 2007 as compared to earlier years, though the increase was not as dramatic as that of opium. Production of cannabis, the most widely produced illicit drug globally, and amphetamine-type stimulants (ATS) is prevalent in countries world-over. The illicit drug trade is also widespread, though data on seizures suggest the problem is more acute in those surrounding nations where illicit drug production or consumption is high. 2.3 Understanding demand and supply Demand and supply of illicit drugs are influenced by many interrelated and complex factors. Various intrapersonal, micro-environmental, and macro-environmental elements create vulnerabilities to the use of illicit drugs, while the employment opportunities and profits arising from illicit drug production and trading act as incentives to supply. There are thus broader socioeconomic issues which impact on engagement with illicit drug economies. 3. The interrelationships between socioeconomic development and illicit drugs 3.1 Impact of socioeconomic development on illicit drugs Both poor SED and enhanced SED can fuel illicit drug production, trade and consumption. Rural underdevelopment, conflict and economic crises are all factors that contribute to farming of illicit drug crops. Characteristics of plant-based illicit drugs mean that these crops are often a more viable option than licit ones in settings of poor SED. In countries ranging from Afghanistan to Colombia, to Morocco and Myanmar, evidence suggests that regions cultivating illicit drug crops are geographically and/or socially isolated, underdeveloped with few economic opportunities, and may also be plagued by violent conflict. Conflict, and the resultant instability, not only helps to facilitate and proliferate illicit drug economies, but in turn, often sustains the conflict – creating a mutually reinforcing cycle. In countries such as Afghanistan, Colombia, and Myanmar, rebel and pro-government forces have used illicit drug economies to finance their activities. Conditions which contribute to weak SED such as unemployment, poverty, and marginalization may also create vulnerable environments for illicit drug use in both wealthy and less developed countries. For example, in the United States and United Kingdom, illicit drug use has been linked to socially and economically deprived urban settings. Similarly, studies in various countries of South America found that drug users were generally poorer, unemployed, and less educated. On the flip side, processes such as trade liberalization may in fact facilitate the flow of illicit drugs across borders. Though the type of association that exists between free trade and illicit drugs is yet to be understood, a modeling study suggests that in consuming countries, efforts to control trading may be hindered by free-trade policies. Modernization and the resultant change in values or norms that often accompanies SED may also lead to increased consumption of illicit drugs. In Indonesia and Pakistan, for instance, illicit drug use increased with newfound wealth and youth identifying themselves with images of Western popular culture. Within the socially marginalized Akha tribe in Laos, consumption of heroin and ATS increased following participation in the country’s market economy and in parallel with the country’s opium eradication program. 3.2. Impact of illicit drugs on socioeconomic development Simultaneously, illicit drug production, trade and consumption also affect SED. In the short-term, farmers and other members of impoverished communities benefit from illicit drug production and trade due to increased disposable income. At the national level, there may be a boost in the Gross Domestic Product (GDP), reduced unemployment, and multiplier effects in other sectors, either due to increased expenditure in local markets or increased demand for production inputs of illicit drugs. For instance, a study dating back to the early 1990s found that a 10% increase in cocaine production in Bolivia resulted in a 2% increase in GDP and 6% decrease in unemployment. In Colombia, multiplier effects arising from the illicit drug economy helped to fuel growth in the property market. However, most of these short-term benefits are offset by the myriad of long-term adverse affects triggered by illicit drug economies. Firstly, the sheer volumes of money flowing from illicit drug economies help to encourage corruption. In several settings, there are reports of government and law enforcement officials turning a blind eye to illicit drugs in exchange for bribes. Secondly, social structures are disrupted as carers, such as single mothers or the income earner of the family, engage in risky trading of illicit drugs. As members of communities who participate in drug economies become richer, tensions in traditional power dynamics are created, thereby disrupting social harmony. Macroeconomic instability may also occur as a result of decreased investment in licit sectors, strengthening of the real exchange rate, and weakened effectiveness of monetary and fiscal policies. The evidence to support these findings, however, is more limited. Violence and conflict between drug gangs, as well as between gangs and members of law enforcement, causes substantial mortality and morbidity while also isolating communities. In Mexico for example, drug-related killings have reached 28,000 over the past four years. In the United States, homicide rates have fluctuated in tandem with crack cocaine markets in cities where consumption is high and market sizes are substantial. There are considerable health costs associated with illicit drug use; for example, injecting drug use accounts for 10% of all HIV infections worldwide, and 30% outside sub-Saharan Africa. Drug users are also likely to be less productive; a study by the International Labor Organization (ILO) in 5 different countries found that occupational injuries were 2-4 times higher and absenteeism 2-3 times greater amongst drug users as compared to non-drug users. The relationships between illicit drug economies and SED are thus two-way and simultaneous. Causality is more difficult to determine given that illicit drug economies and factors that contribute to SED can interact in a mutually reinforcing cycle. Corruption, violence and conflict can for example facilitate illicit drug production, trade and consumption, which in turn can sustain corruption, violence and conflict. 4. Paradox on paradox: effects of illicit drug control policy on socioeconomic development International and national illicit drug control policies have traditionally focused on reducing demand and supply of illicit drugs. Policies that focus on minimizing the harms associated with drug use are increasingly being adopted by many nation states. Supply side policies comprise traditional law enforcement approaches, including attempts to eradicate illicit drug cultivation and production; this latter approach sometimes accompanied by ‘alternative development’ programs that focus on providing other economic opportunities to communities that farm illicit drugs. To date, evidence suggests that these policies have been largely ineffective in deterring cultivation of illicit drug crops, as supply of various drugs has either been maintained or increased. In response to eradication programs in Colombia and Mexico, for instance, farmers simply shifted to farming opium on smaller and more dispersed fields. These policies have largely been unsuccessful in part because of the weak acknowledgement of the fact that illicit drugs and associated harms are often a result of a broader range of political, cultural and socioeconomic factors. By adopting approaches that are guided by narrowly defined goals and are not based on the political, social or cultural realties of a particular development context, law enforcement and eradication attempts actually cause further, multiple, harms and thereby weaken SED in communities. Examples from coca-producing Andean countries, as well as from Afghanistan and Myanmar where opium poppy cultivation is widespread, show how law enforcement and eradication programs actually wipe out the livelihoods of poor farmers social and economically disadvantaged communities. With few viable economic opportunities available, these households often resort again to farming of illicit drugs, simply from survival necessity. Successful alternative development programs are rare, although in Thailand a long-term (highly subsidized) approach has met with some success. Interdiction – programs aimed at reducing or stopping trading – has contributed to a diversification of smuggling routes, often to countries where law enforcement is weak. For example, the low-income country of Guinea Bissau has become a new trading corridor for drugs being smuggled to Europe. Ironically, a systematic review that found a positive correlation existed between increased law enforcement and increases in violence and crime. This is explained in part by the fact that law enforcement activities can create a riskier environment in which illicit drug trading and dealing occurs, making the situation more volatile and prone to drug gang power dynamics when members or leaders are arrested. There is even less evidence available on the impacts of demand side policies, which include primary prevention of drug use (mass media campaigns, community based programs, and education), treatment (secondary prevention), and law enforcement. While studies on the effectiveness of treatment for drug users have found that it helps reduce crime and risky injecting behavior, stringent law enforcement practices directed against drug users have only served to increase risky behavior, shift patterns in drug use, and deter health seeking. Studies examining the impact of law enforcement on drug use in Vancouver and Sydney found that drug use did not decrease, but riskier forms of use did. Following a ‘war on drugs’ campaign in Thailand, drug users reported increased reluctance to seek healthcare. Thus, social and economic costs to society are only sustained or even intensified, and are therefore likely to negatively impact SED. Harm reduction (policies and programs aimed at reducing harms associated with drug use) encompasses many components in immediate impact, harm reduction as currently defined is cost effective and has positive impacts on social development. There is a need for harm reduction approaches to be further developed and integrated, and be more broadly defined so they can have more impact across the range of drug issues. Studies suggest that benefits include: reduced risky drug use behavior, decreased transmission of HIV, safer disposal of injecting equipment, and less public nuisance. These findings indicate that social and health costs to societies may thus be reduced, thereby helping to enhance SED. 5. The forgotten victim: human rights Not only do some illicit drug policies have potential negative impacts on SED, but they also lead to violation of human rights. Eliminating families’ main source of income without creating viable alternatives robs them of their livelihood and dignity. Harsh law enforcement and militaristic approaches to controlling supply and demand of illicit drugs have had serious human rights implications, with physical abuse, sexual assault, public humiliation, denial of legal representation, and mortality being reported in the name of law enforcement. Moreover, in many countries, drug users are forced to undergo ‘treatment’ which is not evidenced-based. Stringent drug laws have often been used as an excuse to discriminate against poor and marginalized groups of society, especially ethnic minorities. Worldwide, drug users continue to be discriminated against, and are denied treatment and other social rights on the basis of their consumption of drugs. 6. Conclusions The interrelationships between illicit drug economies and SED are real and complex. Factors linked to SED may lead to or deter engagement with illicit drugs, while illicit drug economies negatively impact on SED in the long-term, despite possible shortterm benefits. By not acknowledging these linkages, illicit drug policies which focus solely on reducing demand and supply through law enforcement or forceful measures have often had consequences that adversely impact on SED, and also violate human rights – causing more harm than the drugs themselves. Thus, our original hypothesis that illicit drug policies are development policies are interdependent holds true based on the evidence available. The limitations of our review must be recognized. Our findings are based on limited evidence, which includes very few quantitative and detailed studies on the interrelationships, as well as a lack of rigorous evaluations of drug control programs. Our expectation of limited data availability was therefore also validated. In addition, there are inherent issues with determining impact of and on SED, and in this study we have assumed impact based on anecdotal and qualitative information rather than modeling or quantitative analyses. Having said this, our review substantiates the need for greater collaboration between illicit drug control and development agencies. It is imperative for development agencies and governments of developing and transitional countries to investigate and account for the impact of development on vulnerabilities to drug production, trade, and use. All aspects of development, ranging from infrastructure projects to education programs, especially if donor funded, must consider implications for illicit drug production, trade, and use, as is currently done with respect to poverty, the environment or gender dynamics. At the same time, current illicit drug policies need review in light of their inequitable and damaging effects in relation to social development. While acknowledgement of the link between both fields has been increasing, further research in the area will help to provide a stronger base for advocacy to ensure that theory is translated into practice. Details: Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 28, 2011 at: http://www.countthecosts.org/sites/default/files/Dependent-on-Development.pdf Year: 0 Country: International URL: http://www.countthecosts.org/sites/default/files/Dependent-on-Development.pdf Shelf Number: 121880 Keywords: Drug Control PoliciesDrug EnforcementDrug TradeDrug TraffickingDrugs Abuse and AddictionEconomics and CrimeGangsPovertySocioeconomic Development |
Author: United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime Title: Organized Crime and its Threat to Security: Tackling a Disturbing Consequence of Drug Control Summary: Over time, international controls have limited the number of people who take illicit drugs to a small fraction of the world’s adult population, much smaller than those who use other addictive substances, like tobacco and alcohol. This undeniable success has also had a dramatic unintended consequence: a criminal market of staggering proportions. If unattended, this criminal market will offset the many benefits of drug control. In fact, the crime and corruption associated with the drug trade are providing strong evidence to a vocal minority of pro-drug lobbyists to argue that the cure is worse than the disease, and that drug legalization is the solution. This would be an historical mistake, one which United Nations Member States are not willing to make. The reason is straightforward: there is no need to choose between health (drug control) and security (crime prevention). They are complementary, and not contradictory commitments. Yet, because drug trafficking enriches criminals, destroys communities and even threatens nations, it has to be dealt with urgently and forcefully. Policy change is required against crime, not in favour of drugs. This paper focuses on three requirements, as a way to map the road ahead. The need for an integrated strategy. Crime control measures must integrate all elements of the drug chain: supply, trade and demand. So far governments have mostly pursued disjointed interventions that have displaced the problem (from one country to another and/or from one substance to another); have addressed only some aspects (fighting illicit crops, instead of mass poverty); or have used a sledge-hammer instead of a more appropriate chisel (criminalizing addiction, instead of treating addicts). Also measures have been incoherently applied over time (with uneven political commitment), and over space (without the coordination promoted by international agreements). For example, the UN legal instrument against Organized Crime and its protocol on Fire Arms provide platforms for joint, rapid-impact action: yet, they not been implemented in a way robust enough to impact the drug trade. As a result, a number of countries now face a crime situation largely caused by their own choice. This is bad enough. Worse is the fact that, quite often their vulnerable neighbours pay an even greater price. The need for community resistance. Drugs infect especially certain segments of society. Ghettos, even entire regions controlled by crime cartels, are breeding grounds of both drug supply (trafficking) and demand (addiction). Exploitation, instability, even terrorism are their direct cause and consequence. Yet, like addiction, violence can be cured: it is indeed possible to regain control of places that today are hospitable only to anti-social behaviours. The challenge is to re-integrate marginalized segments of society and draw them into, rather than push them out of the law. From the Andes to South East Asia, this has been done with farmers who have been assisted to switch from illicit to licit crops – despite the war conditions surrounding them. From Europe to Australia this has been done with addicts who have been helped to abandon their drug dependence – despite largely adverse social settings. The world over, drug farmers and drug addicts have benefited from targeted assistance: why not duplicate this winning model in the heart of ghettos and in areas out-of-control? Why do states abandon masses of unemployed, illiterate youth that face no other option than a day of money, notoriety and death as foot-soldiers in rag-tag armies of mafias and rebels? The need for a shared commitment. The drug trade not only infects people in so many lands. It also corrupts governments, together with business and finance. Nations need to strengthen integrity in governance (public and private) and resistance to drug cartels, armed with war chests worth billions of dollars. This is not happening. Money laundering is rampant and practically unopposed: honest citizens, seeing the expensive cars, yachts and mansions of untouchable mafias and their cronies, wonder why proceeds of crime are not seized. The internet supplies drugs, arms, even people and their organs, on-line. One of humanity’s biggest capital assets, the web, when perversely used is turned into a weapon by criminals and terrorists. Surprisingly, calls for international agreements against cyber-crime and cyber-terrorism remain unanswered. Even existing international legal instruments are not adequately applied, their rules of engagement not yet agreed upon years after their entry into force. In fact, the Conferences of the Parties for the implementation of the UN Conventions against Corruption and against Organized Crime have repetitively failed to deliver – focussed on processes rather than on the substance of fighting organized crime. The drug control conventions – so effective in reducing the health impact of illicit substances – are under attack for a collateral damage the founding fathers could not anticipate: the emergence of drug cartels powerful enough to affect politics and business. This may be an unintended consequence of the drug conventions: above all, it is the inescapable result of inadequate implementation of existing crime control agreements and unwillingness to develop new ones, despite the sacrifice – often the ultimate sacrifice – of law enforcement officers. The overall context has weakened further the respect for human rights. Although drugs and crime kill, societies should not kill because of them. There cannot be disagreement on this. Yet, under the (no doubt emotional) pressure of a concerned public opinion, efforts to preserve public health (by controlling drugs) and to maintain public order (by preventing crime) are not always conducted with respect for the rights of other human beings. Still worse, when the law is not observed, when drug mafias challenge the state, when vast income inequalities are the result of crime rather than honest work, the call is inevitable: an eye for an eye. Governments must oppose this frightening cycle. Details: Vienna: UNODC, 2009. 22p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 21, 2011 at: http://www.unodc.org/documents/drug-treatment/CND_09ED_final%20paper.pdf Year: 2009 Country: International URL: http://www.unodc.org/documents/drug-treatment/CND_09ED_final%20paper.pdf Shelf Number: 122134 Keywords: CorruptionDrug Control PoliciesDrug TraffickingOrganized Crime |
Author: Bagley, Bruce Title: Drug Trafficking and Organized Crime in the Americas: Major Trends in the Twenty-First Century Summary: What are the major trends that have characterized the evolution of illicit drug trafficking and organized crime (organized criminal networks) in the Americas over the last quarter of a century? What have been the principal transformations or adaptations – economic, political, and organizational - that have taken place within the region’s vast illegal drug economy during the first decade of the twenty-first century? This essay identifies eight key trends or patterns that typify the ongoing transformation of the drug trade and the organized criminal groups it has spawned as of mid-2011. They are: 1) The increasing globalization of drug consumption; 2) The limited or “partial victories” and unintended consequences of the U.S.-led ‘war on drugs,’ especially in the Andes; 3) The proliferation of areas of drug cultivation and of drug smuggling routes throughout the hemisphere (so-called “balloon effects”); 4) The dispersion and fragmentation of organized criminal groups or networks within countries and across sub-regions (“cockroach effects”); 5) The failure of political reform and state-building efforts (deinstitutionalization effects); 6) The inadequacies or failures of U.S. domestic drug and crime control policies (demand control failures); 7) The ineffectiveness of regional and international drug control policies (regulatory failures); and 8) The growth in support for harm reduction, decriminalization, and legalization policy alternatives (legalization debate). Details: Washington, DC: Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, Latin American Program, 2012. 22p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 7, 2012 at: http://www.wilsoncenter.org/publication/drug-trafficking-and-organized-crime-the-americas-major-trends-the-twenty-first-century Year: 2012 Country: Central America URL: http://www.wilsoncenter.org/publication/drug-trafficking-and-organized-crime-the-americas-major-trends-the-twenty-first-century Shelf Number: 125874 Keywords: Drug Control PoliciesDrug TraffickingOrganized CrimeWar on Drugs |
Author: Kensy, Julia Title: Drug Policy and Women: Addressing the Negative Consequences of Harmful Drug Control Summary: A number of reports have documented the negative consequences of current prohibitionist drug control policies on health, human rights and development, and these are the subject of growing international attention. The past thirty years has also seen a growing number of studies on women’s participation in all levels of the drug trade. However, limited research currently exists on the particular impact of drug control on women. This briefing paper focuses on this gap. This briefing aims to highlight the effects of drug policy on women as producers, suppliers and consumers of drugs in order to inform and guide policy makers on practices that should be avoided, as well as highlight those policies which effectively incorporate and address women’s needs. This briefing also features ‘snapshots’ from women and service providers working with women that are affected by drug policies. These snapshots explore the complex consequences that drug policies have on both individuals and services. Such snapshots also highlight examples of interventions that seek to address the negative consequences of drug control and provide positive support to women. Details: London: International Drug Policy Consortium, 2012. 21p. Source: Internet Resource: IDPC Briefing Paper: Accessed January 30, 2013 at: http://www.grea.ch/sites/default/files/drug-policy-and-women-addressing-the-consequences-of-control.pdf Year: 2012 Country: International URL: http://www.grea.ch/sites/default/files/drug-policy-and-women-addressing-the-consequences-of-control.pdf Shelf Number: 127443 Keywords: Drug Abuse and CrimeDrug AddictionDrug Control PoliciesFemale Drug Offenders |
Author: United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime. Global SMART Programme Title: The Challenge of New Psychoactive Substances Summary: UNODC launched the Global Synthetics Monitoring: Analyses, Reporting and Trends (SMART) Programme in September 2008. The Programme seeks to enhance the capacity of Member States and authorities in priority regions, to generate, manage, analyse and report synthetic drug information, and to apply this scientific evidence-based knowledge to design the policies and programmes. The Global SMART Programme is being implemented in a gradual phased manner, with East Asia being the first focus priority region. Operations in Latin America started in 2011. This report is the first global situation assessment on new psychoactive substances put forward under the Global SMART Programme and pursuant to Commission on Narcotic Drugs Resolution 55/1 on “Promoting international cooperation in responding to the challenges posed by new psychoactive substances”, which requested the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime to provide an update to its 2011 report entitled “Synthetic cannabinoids in herbal products”, addressing a wider range of new psychoactive substances, in addition to synthetic cannabinoids, and to take into consideration the creation of a compilation of new psychoactive substances encountered by Member States, to serve as an early warning advisory. It constitutes the first step in providing consolidated up to-date analysis, based primarily on the information shared by Member States and the International Collaborative Exercise network of drug analysis laboratories. It is hoped that the information on new psychoactive substances presented in this report will make a practical contribution to addressing the significant threat posed by the manufacture, trafficking and use of these substances throughout the world, and place policymakers in a better position to evaluate the drug situation, and to make informed decisions on intervention and prevention strategies. This report provides an overview of the situation throughout the world. It outlines the emergence of different groups of new psychoactive substances in the regions and highlights several key issues associated with these substances, including reported adverse effects associated with their use, the challenges for the identification of these substances and their subsequent control through legislation. While the information presented points towards increasing efforts by the countries to address the NPS problem, it also highlights the need for continued and joint efforts, both at the national as well as regional levels. It is hoped that this report will contribute to a better understanding of the NPS problem and in developing effective strategies to address it. Details: Vienna: Laboratory and Scientific Section United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, 2013. 122p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 16, 2013 at: http://www.unodc.org/documents/scientific/NPS_2013_SMART.pdf Year: 2013 Country: International URL: http://www.unodc.org/documents/scientific/NPS_2013_SMART.pdf Shelf Number: 128358 Keywords: Drug Abuse and AddictionDrug Control PoliciesDrug MarketsDrug TraffickingPsychoactive Drugs |